The MacNeil/Lehrer NewsHour (PBS) - 1992-08-13

Channel: malgent

Transcript

Language: English (original, YouTube automatic captions)

[0:10] Good evening. I'm Judy Woodruff in

[0:12] Washington.

[0:13] >> And I'm Robert McNeel in New York. After

[0:15] tonight's news summary, we look at James

[0:17] Baker's switch from foreign policy to

[0:19] campaign politics with analysts David

[0:21] Gurgen, Mark Shields, and John New House

[0:24] of The New Yorker. And we examine his

[0:26] foreign policy record with Clinton

[0:28] adviser Michael Mandelbomb and

[0:30] Republican consultant Condisa Rice. And

[0:33] we have a newsmaker interview with

[0:34] Israeli Prime Minister Itsak Rabbin.

[0:39] >> Part of helping the world live and

[0:41] communicate better is keeping it well

[0:43] informed.

[0:46] That's why funding for the McNeel Lair

[0:48] NewsHour is provided by AT&T

[0:53] and by PepsiCo.

[1:00] PepsiCo

[1:02] and by the Corporation for Public

[1:04] Broadcasting and viewers like you.

[1:08] >> President Bush ended weeks of

[1:10] speculation and rumors today. He

[1:12] announced that James Baker will resign

[1:14] his post as Secretary of State to become

[1:16] White House Chief of Staff and oversee

[1:19] the president's reelection bid. The move

[1:21] will be effective in 10 days. Mr. Bush

[1:24] said he wanted Baker's help shaping his

[1:26] second term agenda. He spoke in the

[1:29] White House briefing room. From Tokyo to

[1:32] Toronto, Jim Baker is known for

[1:34] accomplishment. Now, he knows about

[1:36] change, how to distinguish wise moves

[1:39] from foolish ones, and he knows about

[1:41] America's government, having helped to

[1:43] develop and implement domestic,

[1:46] economic, and foreign policies. And

[1:50] perhaps most important, he knows our

[1:52] people are the source of our country's

[1:54] strength.

[1:55] >> Baker returned the president's

[1:57] compliment in a farewell speech to State

[1:59] Department employees. President Bush and

[2:02] I, as practically all of you, I'm sure

[2:05] know have been close friends for 35

[2:08] years. And I know what he can accomplish

[2:11] when he directs his resolve toward a

[2:14] purpose. I think we saw it in the Gulf.

[2:17] He's a trusted leader.

[2:20] And my friends, I think we will see it

[2:21] again as President Bush targets America.

[2:26] Deputy Secretary of State Lawrence

[2:28] Eagleberger will serve as acting

[2:30] secretary when Baker moves to the White

[2:32] House. Governor Bill Clinton praised Jim

[2:35] Baker's political skills today, but said

[2:37] he still expected a negative campaign.

[2:40] Clinton said, quote, "He's a very able

[2:43] politician. He's one of the best

[2:44] politicians, dealmakers, and political

[2:47] handlers they've got. I think it'll

[2:50] still be very negative, but it will be

[2:52] more cleverly negative." His running

[2:54] mate, Senator Al Gore, had this to say

[2:56] at a campaign stop in Chicago.

[2:59] >> I think that James Baker is the best

[3:01] they have. I think that he uh I I think

[3:05] he's very talented. I think his talents

[3:07] would be better put to better use in

[3:10] continuing the M East peace talks at

[3:12] this critical stage. I just think that

[3:15] Bush and Quail are in a state of

[3:16] political panic and they're they're

[3:19] throwing everything including the

[3:21] kitchen sink into their political quest

[3:25] to to try to convince the American

[3:28] people that that uh the country needs

[3:31] four more years of the same old approach

[3:33] that we have had. And the people aren't

[3:34] buying it.

[3:36] >> We'll have much more on the story just

[3:37] after the news summary. Also on the

[3:40] campaign trail today, Governor Clinton

[3:42] made what he described as a major

[3:44] foreign policy address to the Los

[3:46] Angeles World Affairs Council. He spoke

[3:48] about his priorities.

[3:50] >> My first foreign policy priority will be

[3:54] to restore America's economic vitality.

[3:57] I have laid out a strategy to raise our

[4:00] people's skill levels, boost

[4:01] productivity, spur innovation and

[4:04] investment, reduce the national debt,

[4:07] and make us the world's strongest

[4:09] trading power. I will elevate economics

[4:12] in foreign policy, create an economic

[4:15] security council similar to the National

[4:18] Security Council, and change the culture

[4:20] in the State Department so that

[4:22] economics is no longer a poor cousin to

[4:25] old school diplomacy.

[4:27] >> We will assess Governor Clinton's

[4:29] remarks at length on the NewsHour

[4:31] tomorrow night. Robin,

[4:33] >> the United Nations Security Council

[4:35] today overwhelmingly approved the use of

[4:37] force in Bosnia. The council authorized

[4:39] military intervention only as a last

[4:42] resort to ensure the delivery of relief

[4:44] aid and open detention camps to

[4:46] inspection. There are no plans for the

[4:48] immediate deployment of troops. In

[4:50] Geneva, Red Cross officials accused all

[4:52] of Bosnia's waring parties of human

[4:54] rights violations. They did so at the

[4:57] first ever emergency meeting of the UN's

[4:59] human rights commission. A US official

[5:02] laid the blame for atrocities at

[5:04] detention camps squarely on Serbia and

[5:06] Montenegro. the two remaining republics

[5:08] in the Yugoslav state.

[5:14] >> We now know that camp prisoners are

[5:17] being moved from Omar, Baluca, and

[5:21] perhaps elsewhere in an effort to hide

[5:25] the horrors inflicted upon them. We ask

[5:28] the people of Serbia, Montenegro this

[5:31] simple question.

[5:33] Do they wish to go down in history as

[5:36] the last fascist state in Europe?

[5:42] >> The Yugoslav representative force

[5:45] forcefully denied reports that Serbs

[5:47] were running concentration camps. The US

[5:50] has requested a special investigator to

[5:52] report on all rights violations for

[5:54] possible war crimes trials. In Sievo

[5:57] today, sniper fire hit the convoy of the

[6:00] Yugoslav prime minister. A producer for

[6:02] ABC News was killed. Louise Bates of

[6:05] Worldwide Television News narrates this

[6:08] report.

[6:08] >> The murder of David Kaplan turned

[6:10] Panichi's peace mission into tragedy.

[6:13] The ABC team was supposed to accompany

[6:16] the prime minister in an armored

[6:17] personnel vehicle, but due to lack of

[6:20] space, Kaplan hitched a ride in another

[6:22] TV cruise van. He tried but discarded a

[6:25] bulletproof vest. There was a single

[6:27] shot through the back of the van. It hit

[6:29] Kaplan in the back. Surgeons struggled

[6:31] for two hours to save his life but

[6:34] failed.

[6:38] >> Panich was deeply distressed and angry

[6:40] at the killing.

[6:42] >> I think criminal killed them. I think

[6:45] terrorists killed them.

[6:47] No Serbs, no Muslim. Good. No Croat

[6:51] good. These are people mentally

[6:55] ill. Killing people like this.

[6:58] >> Hours later, the shocked ABC crew

[7:00] boarded a plane back to the safety of

[7:02] Belgrade.

[7:04] Guarded by UN troops, the prime

[7:05] minister, the man who'd come in search

[7:07] of peace, stepped aboard the same jet.

[7:11] >> Kaplan was the 30th journalist killed in

[7:13] Yugoslavia's 14-month-old civil war.

[7:17] Rebels in Afghanistan launched a rocket

[7:19] attack on the capital today, killing at

[7:21] least a hundred people. Hundreds more

[7:23] were wounded. Kabell has been shelled

[7:25] repeatedly over the past week as rival

[7:28] Muslim faction struggle for power. 1,200

[7:31] people have died in the shelling, which

[7:32] is the worst since the country's

[7:34] communist government fell in April after

[7:36] 14 years of civil war.

[7:38] >> In economic news, inflation remained low

[7:41] in July. The government said consumer

[7:43] prices inched up just onetenth of 1%

[7:46] last month. Retail sales gained half a

[7:49] percent after falling the previous

[7:51] month. And firsttime claims for

[7:53] unemployment benefits fell 66,000 in the

[7:56] week ending August 1st. New claims had

[7:59] surged the week before due to a spate of

[8:02] temporary layoffs in the auto industry.

[8:05] Federal investigators said today that

[8:07] sabotage was the likely cause of last

[8:09] night's Amtrak train derailment just

[8:11] outside Newport News, Virginia. 70

[8:14] people were injured in the accident. A

[8:16] National Transportation and Safety Board

[8:18] member said a switch had been manually

[8:20] opened to divert the passenger train

[8:22] onto a side track that has a maximum

[8:24] speed of 15 m an hour. The lock on the

[8:27] switch had been removed and a pair of

[8:29] bolt cutters was found nearby.

[8:31] That's our news summary. Now it's on to

[8:34] James Baker's job switch and Israeli

[8:36] Prime Minister Itsak Rabin.

[8:46] The much anticipated move of James Baker

[8:49] from the State Department to the White

[8:51] House in the Bush reelection effort is

[8:53] our lead segment tonight. The decision

[8:55] has implications both for presidential

[8:57] politics and for US foreign policy and

[9:00] we will explore both. First, the

[9:03] politics. After the president's

[9:04] announcement of the job switch this

[9:06] morning, Baker talked to State

[9:08] Department employees and foreign service

[9:10] officers. Among other things, he laid

[9:12] out the political stakes involved in his

[9:15] decision. And here are extended

[9:16] excerpts.

[9:18] have decided to resign as Secretary of

[9:21] State effective August the 23rd to work

[9:24] with the president to help develop a

[9:26] secondterm agenda that builds on what

[9:29] has been achieved and that fully

[9:32] integrates our domestic, economic, and

[9:34] foreign policies.

[9:36] The president will be asking for the

[9:38] support of the American people to give

[9:40] him a mandate for this agenda.

[9:43] I'm fully committed to this decision

[9:45] because I believe this year the people

[9:48] of the United States will be making

[9:49] fundamental choices and they'll be

[9:52] making fundamental choices at a pivot

[9:54] pivotal time in America's journey.

[9:57] When you peel away the rhetoric, there

[10:00] are very very different ideas in

[10:02] conflict out there. We should build on

[10:06] the fundamentals of lower tax rates,

[10:08] limits on government spending, greater

[10:10] competition, less economic regulation,

[10:14] and more open trade that can unleash

[10:16] tremendous private initiative and

[10:18] growth. But I think that in the '90s,

[10:21] government can add to this growth

[10:22] program by building opportunity and hope

[10:25] for individuals, families, and

[10:27] communities.

[10:29] I think that there is a conservative

[10:31] agenda for helping people and for

[10:34] responding to their needs. We want to

[10:37] empower them to make their own choices

[10:39] to break away from dependency. We want

[10:42] to give them economic security, a stake

[10:45] in society. Initiative should be

[10:48] unleashed. Success should be rewarded.

[10:51] Excellence obviously should be our goal.

[10:54] Contrasting

[10:56] philosophies matter when it comes down

[10:58] to what each party really wants to do.

[11:02] We might discuss similar topics, but

[11:05] there are sharp differences and

[11:07] approaches.

[11:08] The president wants to offer the voters

[11:10] an integrated program to strengthen

[11:12] America and to give our people economic

[11:15] security, building from the ground up

[11:18] and not from the top down. I know there

[11:22] will be skeptics.

[11:24] Some will ask why President Bush spent

[11:26] so much time on foreign policy during

[11:28] his first term. And here's my reply.

[11:32] Over the past four years, more of our

[11:36] fellow human beings have gained their

[11:38] freedom than in than any other time in

[11:41] human history.

[11:43] And we have permanently turned back the

[11:46] hands of the nuclear doomsday clock.

[11:50] So the president saw a chance to take on

[11:52] the two central problems of our age. The

[11:54] struggle for freedom and the threat of

[11:57] nuclear war and he seized it. No

[12:01] apologies for that. It's time now to

[12:04] turn to new challenges to the future at

[12:07] home and abroad. And that's exactly what

[12:10] President Bush intends to do.

[12:13] >> Now the political causes and effects of

[12:15] the Baker announcement. We are joined by

[12:17] our own analysis team of Gergen and

[12:19] Shields plus one. That is David Gurgen,

[12:22] editor at large at US News and World

[12:24] Report and syndicated columnist Mark

[12:26] Shields. Joining them is John New House,

[12:28] a staff writer with the New Yorker and a

[12:31] guest scholar at the Brookings

[12:32] Institution here in Washington. He's a

[12:34] former assistant director of the US Arms

[12:37] Control and Disarmament Agency during

[12:39] the Carter administration.

[12:41] Well, David Gurgen, is this the move

[12:42] that's going to bail out the Bush

[12:44] campaign from 25 points behind?

[12:47] >> Well, Judy, I think it's the the first

[12:49] move on the step back into the race. I

[12:51] mean, it's it is a step that will, I

[12:53] think, help to rejuvenate the White

[12:55] House staff in the campaign. There are

[12:57] many at the White House who feel the

[12:58] place has been mismanaged badly for the

[13:00] past eight months. So mismanaged that

[13:02] they've lost confidence in themselves.

[13:04] With Baker coming back, there were

[13:05] people actually today in the staff

[13:07] crying. They were so happy that that

[13:09] that that there's been a feeling they

[13:11] can't get anything right. They've been

[13:12] off track. Every time they try

[13:13] something, they mismanage, they

[13:14] mishandle it. And Baker is going to give

[13:16] them confidence in themselves again.

[13:18] They maybe they can step out. Now,

[13:19] that's only the first step. I don't

[13:21] think Jim Baker wins the election, but I

[13:23] think he may put I think he may

[13:24] rejuvenate the campaign. I think it will

[13:26] give George Bush more self-confidence,

[13:27] and that's very important, too.

[13:29] >> So, it's giving confidence. Is that how

[13:31] you

[13:32] >> Well, I think that I think that he he

[13:34] you have to first understand that just

[13:36] let's go to the the Baker Bush

[13:38] relationship.

[13:40] I think it's probably unique in this

[13:42] century to have someone who's this close

[13:45] uh to a president and their relationship

[13:47] of dependency on both sides. You know,

[13:49] we've had Harry Hopkins with with with

[13:50] FDR. We had Colonel House with uh

[13:53] President Wilson. Uh but I think that

[13:55] that that Baker's actually closer to

[13:57] Bush and in some ways has plays a larger

[13:59] role in Bush's life. And I think that

[14:01] the president uh the president's son

[14:02] told me last week said, "You know, Jim

[14:03] Baker's been around my dad's campaign

[14:05] every time for the last 20 years. He's

[14:07] just going to feel more comfortable with

[14:08] him." I think that will help. I do do

[14:10] think that that Baker put a lot more

[14:11] snap into the campaign, too. There are a

[14:13] lot of big decisions to make starting

[14:14] with the acceptance address next week,

[14:15] and they need Baker around for those

[14:17] decisions.

[14:17] >> Mark, how do you read this politically?

[14:19] >> Well, I'm glad, Judy, the spirits of the

[14:21] White House have better than if any time

[14:22] in the last eight months. I mean, we're

[14:24] yearning getting nostalgic about the old

[14:26] Cenounu days, which was eight months

[14:28] ago. Uh, and he was boy John was driven

[14:31] out of town in a railroad car and Sam

[14:33] Skinner was brought in. Sam Skinner was

[14:35] brought in. Jim Baker is back. I I I

[14:37] think that uh Jim Baker is unique. I I

[14:39] would include Robert Kennedy as as far

[14:41] as closeness to a president and and that

[14:44] kind of a relationship. But uh Jim Baker

[14:46] is a unique political figure in in this

[14:48] country's political history. Uh five

[14:51] presidential campaigns he's had a

[14:53] leadership role. Uh starting with Jerry

[14:55] Fords, which I think perhaps may have

[14:56] been the best of all the campaigns. He

[14:57] came from 32 points back, came with an

[14:59] eyelash, a switch of 23,000 votes, he

[15:01] would have had the greatest comeback in

[15:03] history against Jimmy Carter in 76. Made

[15:05] the switch to Ronald Reagan uh in 80

[15:08] after after George Bush

[15:10] in the vice presidency. Uh presided more

[15:13] or less over the Reagan 84 even though

[15:15] Ed Rollins was the manager pulled George

[15:17] Bush out in 88. Here he is three

[15:19] decades, five campaigns in 1992. He's

[15:21] back. It is truly remarkable. I mean

[15:24] because it really is exceptional for

[15:25] anybody to the leadership of a a

[15:28] national campaign, a presidential

[15:30] campaign requires winning the confidence

[15:32] and trust of an individual. Usually

[15:34] somebody only runs one of those. They're

[15:36] very very lucky they can run one, but

[15:38] this this guy has done that in in three

[15:40] three different presidents and it's it's

[15:42] a remarkable achievement.

[15:44] >> John New House, help help us uh put a

[15:46] finger on what it is. I mean, we we've

[15:48] heard what David and and Mark have had

[15:50] to say. What what is it about Jim Baker

[15:53] that would would cause him to be pulled

[15:54] out of the State Department at a moment

[15:56] of some crisis uh around the world and

[15:59] pulled into a campaign?

[16:01] >> Well, as David just pointed out, this

[16:02] campaign's in in very tough shape. And I

[16:05] think there are a lot of pluses here for

[16:07] for Bush in this move for which there's

[16:10] no precedent. And maybe just a little

[16:12] downside. First of all, Baker will bring

[16:14] strength and coherence. Um he will bring

[16:17] what Bush calls the vision thing. He

[16:19] doesn't have it himself. He's no more of

[16:20] a conceptualizer than George Bush is,

[16:22] but Baker knows you need it and he will

[16:25] find someone to supply it. And he's

[16:26] bringing with him two people from the

[16:27] State Department, two of the four who

[16:29] who he's been using to supply the vision

[16:31] thing. Uh he also really knows how to

[16:34] manage the press. I mean, we haven't

[16:35] seen any anyone uh uh this good at

[16:38] managing the press in in modern times.

[16:41] He's been

[16:42] >> What do you mean managing the press? He

[16:43] generally gets good press.

[16:45] >> Well, yeah, but it's no accident that he

[16:46] gets a good press. I mean he he he

[16:49] controls a lot of very vital and

[16:51] sensitive information and he controls

[16:53] the access to that and he controls the

[16:55] other people who have who have who have

[16:58] contact with the press. It's a very

[16:59] small circle he operates in. So there

[17:01] are no leaks at least leaks of which he

[17:02] doesn't approve. So he he he gets the

[17:05] kind of he generates the kind of press

[17:07] that he wants to see and and and you

[17:09] can't really minimize the importance of

[17:10] that.

[17:12] >> David,

[17:12] >> but I think there's a real downside for

[17:14] him in this. I I see. I mean, the

[17:15] downside for Bush, if there is any, is

[17:17] is that as David pointed out, this is a

[17:19] very close relationship. They're like

[17:20] brothers, but like brothers, they're

[17:21] also very competitive and they've been

[17:23] rivals at various stages. And I think

[17:25] there's got to be maybe a whiff of

[17:27] humiliation here for George Bush in

[17:29] having to bring back Jimmy Baker again

[17:32] to to pull his chestnuts out of the

[17:34] fire.

[17:35] >> You think that's the case?

[17:36] >> Neither man wanted to do this.

[17:38] >> Well, Baker was choking up today when he

[17:40] made his remarks. He was I mean you Jim

[17:43] Baker has worked for some years to get

[17:45] out of the White House and he was

[17:46] anxious to leave back when he left

[17:48] Reagan in 1984. They went over to

[17:50] Treasury and he got pulled back in from

[17:52] Treasury run the 88 campaign and at that

[17:54] time of course he was once again called

[17:56] a handler and a Paul. Now Jim Becker

[17:59] then had the opportunity to go to the

[18:00] state department and he became a

[18:01] statesman and there's been a great

[18:03] reluctance on his part to go to go back

[18:06] again to being a Paul. I mean this is

[18:08] he's he's made a sacrifice here. He's

[18:09] done it for a friend. and he's done it

[18:10] for a good cause. I mean, he's he's I

[18:12] think he accepted the inevitability of

[18:14] it, but I don't think either George Bush

[18:16] and for the very reasons that John just

[18:17] said, I I think George Bush was not

[18:18] anxious to do this, but both of them

[18:20] felt it was imperative under the

[18:21] circumstances.

[18:22] >> But his own political future, of course,

[18:24] to some great degree hinges on George

[18:27] Bush's political sure it does, Judy. He

[18:29] uh for George Bush, it had to be an act

[18:32] of humiliation. I mean really at a

[18:34] personal level because George in 1988

[18:37] the campaign is is regarded almost

[18:39] uniformly as a lousy campaign. Uh the

[18:42] many many people trace the failure of

[18:45] the Bush presidency in its first term to

[18:47] that campaign which laid out no agenda

[18:49] laid out no sense of the future and was

[18:51] totally devoid of the vision thing. But

[18:53] who who took the blame? The late water

[18:56] was castigated. Uh Roger Als the the TV

[18:59] maven was censured. Uh George Bush was

[19:02] regarded as as some sort of an ethical

[19:05] but Jim Baker

[19:08] Johnson went right over the State

[19:09] Department. My goodness, isn't that

[19:11] wonderful? Jim Baker presided over that

[19:12] campaign. So at this level, Bush had to

[19:14] turn to him. Here he is having had his

[19:16] first term. He's 68 years old. He's 25

[19:20] points down in the polls or 20 or

[19:21] wherever he is and has to say, "Jimmy,

[19:23] will you do it again?" That's that's got

[19:24] to be

[19:25] >> But wait a minute. Do I hear a

[19:26] contradiction in what you because on the

[19:27] one hand you're giving B you and others

[19:29] are giving Baker credit for these great

[19:31] campaigns but on the other hand you're

[19:32] saying he had a major hand in the fact

[19:34] that there wasn't a mandate.

[19:35] >> I I use the phrase describe Jim Baker as

[19:38] the teflon manager uh in in 1988 and I

[19:41] think I think it sticks.

[19:42] >> I think that's a that that's a good

[19:44] phrase but I also disagree I think with

[19:47] with I understood you correctly that um

[19:49] that Baker's political fortunes are tied

[19:52] to Bush's. I really think there's a

[19:53] divergence and I think there may have

[19:54] been even four years ago. He didn't want

[19:56] to become the campaign manager four

[19:58] years ago. Jim Baker wants to be

[19:59] president. He wants to go back to the

[20:01] White House on his own and he wants to

[20:03] go he wants to run on his record as a

[20:05] statesman. Uh he doesn't he doesn't want

[20:07] to be regarded as a as a sometime uh

[20:10] cabinet member and a sometime campaign

[20:12] manager, particularly if this campaign

[20:14] turns ugly as the last one did because

[20:16] the you know the mud bulls were sure to

[20:18] spatter him this time. He won't he he he

[20:21] won't get off free this time.

[20:22] >> But are you suggesting that he would

[20:23] have been better off himself politically

[20:25] if he hadn't gotten involved in

[20:27] >> much better he would have been better

[20:28] off politically if he would have been

[20:30] better off politically if he hadn't gone

[20:31] and the president won. But unless he

[20:33] went, it wasn't clear the president

[20:35] could win, you know. So I think that I

[20:36] think that was the inevitability of it.

[20:38] Now, let me say I I think that Mark

[20:40] pointed out something which was very

[20:41] interesting and John about this. The the

[20:42] the the uh Jim Baker, if I have any

[20:45] quarrel with his campaign management of

[20:47] the past, he did not go for a mandate in

[20:48] 1988 with George Bush. And I think that

[20:50] hurt George Bush in the first term.

[20:52] >> He did not go for a mandate in the 1984

[20:54] campaign with Ronald Reagan. What was

[20:55] striking today about the Baker speech is

[20:57] he said, "Let's go for a mandate." It

[20:59] was very clear he's he's now changing.

[21:01] And I think Judy to go to another point

[21:03] John made what Baker said in that speech

[21:05] today is the best single speech given by

[21:07] anybody in this administration.

[21:08] >> Ask you about because he laid out the

[21:10] vision thing that John spoke about.

[21:12] Where did that who wrote that? Did Jim

[21:13] Baker write that? He said he's not the

[21:15] one with the vision. So

[21:16] >> well there's a there's one of the people

[21:18] who's coming with Jim Baker is a fellow

[21:20] named Bob Zelik. He's one of the really

[21:21] bright rising stars of in the Republican

[21:23] establishment and very very thoughtful.

[21:25] He he and Dick Darm are very close. In

[21:27] fact, he was Dick Darm's research

[21:28] assistant some years ago at Harvard and

[21:30] uh he had a major hand in this. I think

[21:32] Baker did as well. But it was the

[21:33] conceptualization that I would argue

[21:35] probably ought to be the framework for

[21:36] the acceptance address this next

[21:37] Thursday night.

[21:38] >> Why haven't we been hearing that from

[21:39] George Bush before now?

[21:41] >> Because Bob Zel's been working for Jim

[21:42] Baker. He's now coming to the White

[21:44] House with Jim Baker.

[21:45] >> What is the Mark? Were you going to

[21:46] answer that?

[21:46] >> I just going to add one thing. It it

[21:48] gives it gives immediately. I mean Jim

[21:50] Baker the jockey which is what Jim Baker

[21:53] is. It comes down to the mount. I mean,

[21:54] inspire those of us who've been managers

[21:56] like to think that gee, we made the

[21:58] difference. It really does come down.

[21:59] Jim Baker can make a length or two's

[22:01] difference in a in a four mile furong or

[22:04] four mile race. I mean, he's not going

[22:05] to win this for George Bush. He does

[22:07] give George Bush a couple of advantages

[22:09] though that George Bush didn't have

[22:10] going in and maybe have him over at Bill

[22:12] Clinton today. The first is he's a peer.

[22:14] He is somebody who can go into George

[22:16] Bush and say, "You've screwed up. That's

[22:18] you haven't given a good speech. You've

[22:20] got to do these three things." There's

[22:21] nobody in the Clinton campaign who has

[22:22] that kind of a relationship with Clinton

[22:24] over a sustained period of time and over

[22:26] a shared foxhole of a national campaign.

[22:28] Secondly, he there's no doubt as of this

[22:31] moment who's in charge. There's no

[22:33] appeals court in the in the Bush

[22:35] campaign. There's no factions. There's

[22:38] no second guessing. It is it is

[22:40] >> you saying Baker rather than Bush.

[22:41] >> Baker Baker is running the show. Baker

[22:43] is the campaign manager. There there

[22:45] will be no International Court of the

[22:46] Hague appeals beyond Baker's decisions.

[22:49] That is not the case in the Clinton

[22:50] campaign and they haven't been through a

[22:51] campaign together the same way and it it

[22:54] does provide a small tactical advantage.

[22:56] >> I can I make a stretch here because I

[22:57] think I think Baker is more than that. I

[22:59] think Baker in effect is becoming deputy

[23:01] president for the next three months.

[23:02] >> That's what I wanted to looking at a

[23:04] co-presidency practically.

[23:06] >> I'm not sure it's a co-presidentidency

[23:07] but it's the greatest sharing of power

[23:08] that I can remember because I in effect

[23:11] Jim Baker in this campaign is going to

[23:13] be to to George Bush what Al Gore has

[23:15] already become to Bill Clinton. In

[23:17] effect, we're going to have Clinton and

[23:18] Gore versus Bush and Baker in this

[23:20] campaign. I mean, Baker is almost is

[23:22] almost on the line because because you

[23:24] elect Bush and you get Baker to boot for

[23:27] a second term.

[23:27] >> Wait a minute. We There's a vice

[23:29] president named Dan Quail still, but I

[23:32] would argue that and Jim Baker didn't

[23:34] want Dan Quail to be selected as as the

[23:37] running mate four years ago.

[23:38] >> I think we're going to have a very

[23:39] interesting rivalry over the next few

[23:41] months.

[23:41] >> Isn't that the case, John? You've

[23:43] written about that, John. Well, I I I

[23:45] think that Dan Quail is going to have a

[23:47] thin time if if uh if Bush is reelected

[23:51] because Baker has spent a fair amount of

[23:52] time over the past four years trying to

[23:55] not deep six Dan Quail, but to keep him

[23:57] to keep him as far out of sight and as

[23:59] quiet as possible and he'll take on

[24:01] that. Whether he takes on that

[24:02] assignment now or whether he thinks that

[24:04] Quail can be can be useful doing what

[24:06] he's been doing, I just don't know. We

[24:08] we'll have we'll have to wait and see.

[24:09] But I think in in a sense for for George

[24:11] Bush at this moment, uh the thing he

[24:14] really understands more than anything

[24:16] else, I think is that he wouldn't be

[24:18] president but for Jim Baker because he

[24:20] wouldn't have been vice president but

[24:21] for Jim Baker. Uh Jim Baker got him the

[24:24] vice presidency. But it's also true and

[24:26] and and and this campaign is going to be

[24:29] interesting for a number of reasons. One

[24:30] of which is that Jim Baker has a has a

[24:33] god-given uh gift for avoiding trouble,

[24:37] for distancing distancing himself from

[24:39] bad news. And that and that that teflon

[24:42] >> that was true that was true when he was

[24:43] in when he was chief of staff when he

[24:45] was secretary of the treasury and and

[24:47] it's been true in the State Department.

[24:49] Uh he's not going to be able to hide.

[24:51] He's not going to go be out on the ranch

[24:52] in Wyoming during during during this

[24:54] campaign. So I think that's going to be

[24:56] interesting to see too is is how he

[24:57] handles bad news. I don't want to be the

[24:59] skunk at the party, but what what about

[25:01] the are there any ethical considerations

[25:03] here? I mean, this man is going from

[25:04] running the State Department, running

[25:06] foreign policy to the White House to run

[25:08] the campaign now and we saw today there

[25:11] was a memo put out by Bordon Gray, the

[25:12] White House legal council some months

[25:14] ago saying the White House ought to stay

[25:16] completely away from campaign

[25:18] involvement. How do you is that going to

[25:19] become a sticky area, David, or can they

[25:21] finesse that?

[25:23] >> J, I think that the the the campaign

[25:25] ethics laws will not be a problem. I do

[25:27] think a a legitimate question is going

[25:29] to be raised on the other side and we're

[25:30] already starting to hear it today. Of

[25:31] course, we'll hear it more and I think

[25:32] in your next discussion uh about the

[25:35] propriety of moving someone, it's such a

[25:37] sensitive time in world relations when

[25:38] so many trouble spots are boiling around

[25:40] the world and requires such delicate

[25:42] handling by the State Department to take

[25:44] the the the cockpit of the State

[25:46] Department, not just Jim Baker, but the

[25:47] team around him, which has been the very

[25:49] close-knit team that has run affairs for

[25:50] the last three and a half years, and to

[25:51] move them over. I think that's a tough

[25:53] go. But I'm talking about just blatantly

[25:55] putting someone in charge of running the

[25:56] White House and saying at the same time

[25:58] this person is also running the

[26:00] campaign. I mean, that was in essence

[26:01] what we were told.

[26:03] >> Yes. No, it was

[26:04] >> I'm asking.

[26:04] >> No. And I I think I think there is a

[26:06] there's a legitimate ethical question

[26:07] there. I think that the reality is that

[26:09] the every campaign for re-election is

[26:12] run out of the White House. Uh and it

[26:14] has been the case. Uh and the only time

[26:16] it's that's the way it has been. I think

[26:19] there is a legitimate ethical question.

[26:20] I think I I take slight issue with David

[26:22] on on the point of the Democratic

[26:24] criticism. I think those Democrats who

[26:26] were uniformly almost uniformly

[26:28] uncritical of the settlements policy of

[26:31] the of the Shamir uh administration in

[26:35] in Israel. Uh now second-guessing Jim

[26:38] Baker who uh if anybody has I think been

[26:42] responsible for bringing the hopes and

[26:44] reality of Arab Israeli peace to

[26:48] fruition. I mean it is Jim Baker. I

[26:50] mean, he is really and for them to be

[26:51] secondg guessing him at this point as

[26:53] Senator Gore appeared to be doing in the

[26:54] cliff, I thought looked like a rather

[26:56] cheap carping and it doesn't stand up to

[26:58] scrutiny.

[26:58] >> All right. Well, gentlemen, we'll leave

[27:00] it at that, Robin.

[27:13] >> Yes. We now look at the other side of

[27:15] the Baker switch, his and the

[27:16] president's stewardship of foreign

[27:18] policy. Baker gave a validtory

[27:21] assessment today. Ironically, his

[27:23] audience were State Department career

[27:25] employees, many of whom have complained

[27:27] that Baker in his immediate circle shut

[27:29] them out of policym more than any

[27:31] secretary in history. Here's an excerpt.

[27:34] >> Now, this group better than anybody else

[27:37] knows well that United States diplomacy

[27:40] has required coordinated professional

[27:43] execution in many corners of the globe.

[27:46] Perhaps the most important feature of

[27:48] this worldwide strategy was our

[27:51] engagement of the Soviet Union, what we

[27:53] referred to at the time as a search for

[27:56] points of mutual advantage.

[27:58] Working across a range of issues, we

[28:01] probe the Soviet's new thinking. Then we

[28:04] tried to infuse that thinking with a

[28:06] fundamentally new content on regional

[28:09] conflicts, human rights and democracy,

[28:12] the standoff in Europe, conventional

[28:14] arms cuts, nuclear cuts, proliferation,

[28:17] economics, and of course transnational

[28:20] topics as well.

[28:22] That's how the Cold War was brought to a

[28:25] quiet and a peaceful and a democratic

[28:28] end. People said the Soviets would never

[28:31] permit free elections behind the Iron

[28:33] Curtain in Poland, Czechoslovakia,

[28:35] Hungary, and elsewhere. People said the

[28:38] Red Army wouldn't go peacefully. But it

[28:41] did. When the Berlin Wall came down, the

[28:44] doubters told us we couldn't unify

[28:47] Germany peacefully and democratically

[28:49] while retaining the 40-year ties to the

[28:52] West and to NATO. But together, we did.

[28:56] Four years ago, the children of America

[28:58] still had to go to bed at night with

[29:00] worries about a nuclear Armageddon.

[29:03] Movies about the day after and articles

[29:06] about ground zero etched into our minds

[29:09] the precariousness of our security.

[29:13] Our experts discussed how to build new

[29:15] and ever more dangerous missiles.

[29:18] Missiles that would maintain a deeply

[29:20] disturbing balance of terror. But with a

[29:23] lot of help from some of the finest

[29:25] people that I've ever had the privilege

[29:27] of working with, we ended that

[29:29] nightmare. In the aftermath of the Gulf

[29:32] War, skeptics said the United States

[29:34] might be able to win the war, but that

[29:36] that success would mean nothing if we

[29:39] lost the peace. So, we set out to see

[29:42] how we could build on that victory. And

[29:45] I'm very proud to say that I don't think

[29:47] we've done badly. For the first time

[29:50] ever, all of Israel's neighbors are

[29:52] sitting down to discuss peace with her.

[29:55] On top of that, 13 Arab states are

[29:58] meeting with Israel to discuss arms

[29:59] control, water, the environment, and

[30:01] other issues that are essential for

[30:03] creating a totally new outlook in the

[30:05] Middle East.

[30:07] Later this month, a new round, indeed a

[30:09] new phase of negotiations will move us

[30:11] further along the road to peace among

[30:13] the biblical lands that have been in a

[30:16] state of war for far too long. Of

[30:19] course, I have some regrets.

[30:22] One is that I know we still have a lot

[30:24] of work to do together. It's still a

[30:26] dangerous world, as we see daily, of

[30:29] course, in Bosnia.

[30:31] It's also, though, a world of great

[30:33] opportunity.

[30:35] There are still great risks if we fail

[30:37] to make the right choices and great

[30:39] risks if we fail to engage.

[30:42] I firmly believe that the United States

[30:44] of America is without question the only

[30:47] country in the world that can exercise

[30:49] the necessary leadership in the decade

[30:52] ahead.

[30:54] We get two views of the Bushbaker

[30:56] foreign policy. Condisa Rice served on

[30:58] the National Security Council staff in

[31:00] the first three years of the Bush

[31:01] administration. She's now an associate

[31:03] professor of political science at

[31:05] Stanford University. She'll be a

[31:07] California delegate at next week's

[31:08] Republican convention. Michael

[31:10] Mandelbomb is a foreign policy adviser

[31:13] in the Clinton campaign. He's a

[31:15] professor of political science at the

[31:16] John's Hopkins School of Advanced

[31:18] International Studies and director of

[31:20] the project on East West relations at

[31:22] the Council on Foreign Relations. He

[31:24] joins us from Los Angeles. Mr.

[31:26] Mandelbomb, before we evaluate the

[31:28] overall record, what impact on current

[31:31] foreign policy does it have to move the

[31:33] Secretary of State, this Secretary of

[31:35] State, out of that job and into the

[31:37] White House? Well, as a strong supporter

[31:39] of Governor Clinton, I'm hoping we have

[31:41] both a new president and a new secretary

[31:43] of state after November. So, uh I'm not

[31:47] sure it's it's uh precisely a calamity

[31:49] for American foreign policy. But I think

[31:51] there is one important point to make.

[31:53] The Arab-Israeli peace talks, as your uh

[31:55] previous discussant said, are at a very

[31:58] delicate phase. They're at a very

[32:00] important phase because now, as

[32:02] Secretary Baker himself said, the burden

[32:05] is on the Arabs to make concessions, to

[32:07] come off their longheld positions, which

[32:10] if held to will make it impossible to

[32:12] move forward. This is the heavy lifting

[32:14] of the peace process. This is the most

[32:16] important and most difficult task.

[32:19] Secretary Baker has said so. He's been

[32:21] indispensable to the process so far and

[32:23] now he's leaving. That's bound to be a

[32:25] setback.

[32:26] >> Uh bound to be a setback. Condisa Rice,

[32:29] he's leaving just as the heavy lifting

[32:31] begins.

[32:32] >> Well, I know Secretary Baker and I do

[32:35] not believe that he would have left

[32:37] regardless uh if he believed that his

[32:39] absence was going to fundamentally harm

[32:42] the peace process. uh he has invested a

[32:45] great deal in it as has President Bush

[32:47] and I think uh he and the president have

[32:49] made the judgment that the secretary can

[32:52] come to the White House now to lead the

[32:54] campaign and that the peace process can

[32:57] survive and indeed prosper. I just don't

[32:59] believe that these are people who would

[33:00] have made the choice had they believed

[33:02] differently.

[33:03] >> Um does that suggest he can continue to

[33:06] have a hand in the Middle East

[33:07] negotiations from the White House? I

[33:09] think there are questions uh as to

[33:10] whether he could continue to have a

[33:12] hand. But let me say

[33:13] >> You mean that would really be

[33:15] >> I think there would probably be

[33:16] difficulties there. But let me say that

[33:18] for those of us who believe that the

[33:20] reelection of George Bush is the single

[33:23] best thing that we could do for American

[33:25] foreign policy in the future, uh this is

[33:28] a very welcome move. How much credit,

[33:30] Miss Rice, can Baker claim for uh his

[33:34] for getting all of Israel's Arab

[33:36] neighbors to sit down to discuss peace

[33:39] for the first time, which uh he

[33:40] mentioned himself in his speech today.

[33:43] >> Well, I believe that this administration

[33:46] um led by President Bush and Secretary

[33:48] Baker's excellent diplomacy can take a

[33:50] lot of credit for this. I think as he

[33:52] said in his statement that very few

[33:54] really believed that face-to-face talks

[33:57] between the Arabs and the Israelis were

[33:59] a possible outcome of the victory in the

[34:02] Gulf War, but they pressed the advantage

[34:04] very quickly after Operation uh Desert

[34:07] Storm was complete. Uh they held firm on

[34:10] the issue of settlements and loan

[34:12] guarantees. It turns out that the

[34:14] Israeli people were ready to turn to a

[34:17] government that was more committed to

[34:19] the peace process. And I think by that

[34:21] firmness and that initiative uh they

[34:23] take a great deal of credit for that.

[34:25] But ultimately the parties themselves uh

[34:28] I think are at the place that they want

[34:29] peace.

[34:31] >> Uh Michael Mandlebomb you heard Mark

[34:32] Shield say a moment ago it ill behooves

[34:35] Democrats who were complacent about the

[34:37] settlement policy of the Lood government

[34:41] to carp now about the effect of uh

[34:45] Bakers leaving. Do you think uh how much

[34:47] credit do you think Baker should can

[34:50] legitimately claim for getting the

[34:51] parties together?

[34:52] >> Well, I think he does deserve some

[34:54] credit, but let me take issue with one

[34:55] of the things my friend Condandy Rice

[34:57] said or implied. There is absolutely no

[35:00] evidence from the exit polling of the

[35:02] Israeli election that the issue of loan

[35:05] guarantees and the way the Bush

[35:06] administration handled it was at all

[35:08] decisive in the Israeli election. The

[35:10] Israeli people voted for change on a

[35:13] whole host of issues and they expressed

[35:14] their confidence in Yeetsak Rabin and

[35:17] that was a personal triumph for Yeetsak

[35:19] Rabin. Now as for getting the peace

[35:21] process and the peace talk started and

[35:23] bringing the belligerent parties

[35:25] together face to face for the first

[35:27] time, I think the administration does

[35:29] deserve some credit. And by the way,

[35:30] Governor Clinton has given the

[35:32] administration credit and has said

[35:34] publicly and in his meeting with Prime

[35:36] Minister Rabin yesterday that he wants

[35:38] these talks to continue. He wants them

[35:40] to succeed. If it is possible to make

[35:42] progress between now and the election,

[35:44] he will be delighted and he will give

[35:46] the Bush administration credit if

[35:48] progress is made. Having said that, let

[35:50] me step back and try to step into my

[35:52] role as a professional student of

[35:54] foreign policy and say that there were a

[35:56] number of factors contributing to this

[35:58] turn in Arab-Israeli relations. The most

[36:01] important of which, I think, was the

[36:03] collapse of the Soviet Union. Without

[36:05] the Soviet Union, the radical Arab

[36:07] rejectionist front has no superpower

[36:09] patron to back up its policies of

[36:12] intrigence. For that reason, Syria

[36:14] decided that it was willing, at least to

[36:16] come to the table with Israel, and that

[36:19] made this negotiation possible. Where we

[36:21] go from here is hard to say because, as

[36:23] I've noted, the positions of the Arab

[36:26] states and of the Palestinian

[36:27] negotiators are incompatible with what

[36:30] the Israelis are willing to give up. So,

[36:32] we do we do need some intensive

[36:34] diplomacy. If Mr. Baker is unable to

[36:37] perform it, and I take it that in the

[36:39] White House, he will be completely tied

[36:41] up with the re-election campaign, then

[36:43] somebody else ought to step in his

[36:44] shoes. And it seems to me that Larry

[36:47] Eagleberger, a very abled diplomat,

[36:49] ought not simply to be a placeholder for

[36:52] James Baker. He ought not simply to keep

[36:54] his seat warm at state. If the president

[36:56] wants him to conduct American foreign

[36:58] policy, the president ought to send his

[37:00] name up to the Senate for confirmation

[37:01] as secretary of state.

[37:03] >> Uhhuh. Let's move on here. Miss Rice, um

[37:06] Mr. Manbomb just mentioned this collapse

[37:08] of the Soviet Union. That is going to be

[37:10] the big claim that uh the Republican

[37:12] president and secretary of state are

[37:14] making to the country and the party that

[37:16] they have to them goes a great deal of

[37:19] the credit we just heard for the

[37:20] peaceful ending of the cold war and

[37:23] ending the nuclear nightmare. How much

[37:26] credit can they actually claim given the

[37:29] hand they were dealt by Reagan and

[37:32] Gorbachev?

[37:34] >> Well, let me first return to something

[37:36] that Mike said. It is very true that uh

[37:40] circumstances have to be right among

[37:42] parties to get progress on any important

[37:45] uh foreign policy issue. But what you

[37:47] make of those circumstances is a matter

[37:49] of leadership and diplomacy. And this

[37:52] administration did a terrific job of

[37:55] playing uh this hand in a way that

[37:58] brought back uh brought about a peaceful

[38:00] end to the cold war. Secretary Baker

[38:02] mentioned for instance uh German

[38:04] unification on western terms uh the

[38:07] liberation of Eastern Europe. I don't

[38:09] understand how one can argue that uh any

[38:12] of this was inevitable. Leadership in

[38:15] the White House is what brought these

[38:17] events to fruition and I think that our

[38:19] allies realized that. I think our former

[38:21] foes in the Soviet Union realize that

[38:24] and I think that deep down inside uh

[38:25] Mike and the Democrats realize that too.

[38:28] But they have a very difficult job. They

[38:30] have to convince the American people

[38:32] that a president who was at the helm

[38:34] when all of these events took place and

[38:36] all of these changes uh took place is

[38:39] less qualified to take us into the

[38:41] future than the governor of Arkansas.

[38:42] And so I don't blame them for trying to

[38:44] downplay the administration's role.

[38:47] White House leadership uh the leadership

[38:49] of this president in the White House

[38:51] deserves a lot of credit for the way the

[38:53] Cold War ended.

[38:55] >> Absolutely.

[38:55] >> Mr. I'm I I was going to ask Mr.

[38:57] Mandelbomb that.

[38:58] >> Thank you, Robin. Uh let me quote

[39:00] Governor Clinton in his speech uh to the

[39:03] Los Angeles World Affairs Council today

[39:05] that I'm very glad you're going to be uh

[39:07] devoting some time to tomorrow because I

[39:09] think that in the greater scheme of

[39:10] things that will be seen as a much more

[39:12] important event in the history of

[39:13] American foreign policy than Mr. Baker's

[39:15] paragrinations within the Bush

[39:16] administration. Uh, Governor Clinton

[39:19] said that for George Bush to take credit

[39:21] for the fall of communism is like a

[39:23] rooster taking credit for the dawn. I'd

[39:25] be a little I' I'd uh I'd soften that a

[39:28] little bit. I think that there was some

[39:29] skillful diplomacy especially in the

[39:32] unification of Germany and uh my friend

[39:34] Kandi Rice played a very important role

[39:36] in that. Uh but communism was toppled

[39:40] not from the white house but by the

[39:42] bravery of the people who lived under

[39:44] communist subjugation for 40 and 75

[39:47] years. It's the lackences and vatlav

[39:49] havls and boris yeltsons who deserve

[39:51] credit with a supporting role in some

[39:54] cases by the United States. That I think

[39:56] is the achievement of the Bush Baker

[39:59] foreign policy. The great failure is the

[40:02] absolute inability to come to terms with

[40:04] the postcold war world. There are huge

[40:07] challenges and opportunities out there

[40:10] and as far as I can see uh this

[40:12] administration is simply helpless before

[40:14] them. It has no vision. Uh it has no

[40:16] plan. It's really not doing much except

[40:19] coasting on the achievements of the

[40:21] past.

[40:21] >> Let's go back to Miss Rice on that.

[40:23] >> Yeah. May I uh respond to that? First of

[40:25] all, um I would say that the Bush

[40:27] administration continues to achieve as

[40:30] was demonstrated in the press conference

[40:32] with uh Prime Minister Rabin yesterday

[40:34] or day before yesterday with the North

[40:37] American Free Trade Agreement uh which

[40:39] speaks to the global economy and the

[40:41] need of the expansion of markets for the

[40:43] American economy. This is an

[40:45] administration that hit the ground

[40:46] running in 1989 and hasn't stopped

[40:48] running yet. I've never understood the

[40:51] argument uh that somehow uh this

[40:54] president was not prepared for the

[40:55] postcold war era when it was this

[40:58] president who when Boris Yelton was

[41:01] brave enough to stand on the tanks. It

[41:03] was this president that mobilized

[41:05] international opinion against the coup

[41:08] plotters at a time when I might add

[41:10] Governor Clinton said that he was unsure

[41:13] and perhaps it was disturbing and we'd

[41:15] have to watch. So let's be clear here.

[41:17] The postcold war era has been underway

[41:20] for better than a year now and this

[41:22] administration's been very active in it.

[41:23] >> You're right. Well, we're going to pick

[41:25] this up tomorrow when we analyze

[41:27] Governor Clinton's approach to foreign

[41:29] policy. Thank you both for joining us.

[41:41] And finally, we have a newsmaker

[41:43] interview with Israel's new prime

[41:44] minister Rabbin, who returns to Israel

[41:47] tonight after talks with President Bush

[41:49] and other Americans. I spoke with him in

[41:51] his New York hotel room earlier today

[41:53] and asked for his reaction to the Baker

[41:55] job switch.

[41:57] >> Well, I don't believe it's any issue

[41:59] that I should be involved uh in passing

[42:02] any judgment about it.

[42:05] uh understand that in every democracy

[42:08] our elections and for elections to be

[42:12] elected it's legitimate to do what it is

[42:16] considered to be helpful for the

[42:19] elections. I'm sure that in our country

[42:23] we have all our own considerations

[42:26] and we act in accordance to them.

[42:29] Therefore, I don't believe that this is

[42:32] the issue that I should be involved in

[42:35] it by saying anything about it.

[42:37] >> Does it signal in a way that the crucial

[42:41] US role in bringing these talks about

[42:45] has ended now that the US isn't needed

[42:48] now in this process?

[42:50] >> I wouldn't say so. After I spent uh over

[42:54] a day with the president, with secretary

[42:57] Baker, I found them uh really interested

[43:03] in the continuation of the negotiations.

[43:06] Let's not forget uh uh the Bush

[43:10] administration to Secretary Baker

[43:13] brought about the Madrid conference and

[43:16] what has followed the the Madrid

[43:18] conference, the bilateral talks that

[43:22] Israel meets face to face

[43:26] Palestinian delegation, a Syrian

[43:29] delegation and a Lebanese delegation. I

[43:32] don't believe that the United States or

[43:35] the present administration

[43:37] uh will give up to follow closely what

[43:40] will be developed in this bilateral

[43:43] talks as well as when in September the

[43:46] multilateral talks will be continued.

[43:50] Did the Bush administration stand on the

[43:54] settlements and the loan guarantees play

[43:57] an important role in the peace process?

[43:59] Do you think?

[44:02] I believe that uh the question of

[44:05] settlements in the territories,

[44:08] it's an old issue uh between the United

[44:11] States and Israel. I remember several

[44:15] presidents before President Bush that

[44:18] made it clear that it's against the US

[44:21] policy that Israel will set settlements

[44:24] in the territories.

[44:26] I believe the same position has been

[44:29] taken now in continuation to the

[44:33] longstanding American position. I

[44:36] believe that basically when it comes to

[44:38] the relationship between the United

[44:40] States and Israel, we know that there

[44:43] are certain differences

[44:45] of opinion positions,

[44:48] what should be done, what shouldn't be

[44:50] done, and we learned in many cases in

[44:54] the past and I believe that this time in

[44:57] my in the talks that I conducted with

[45:00] President Bush, Secretary Baker, we

[45:03] learn to agree to disagree on certain

[45:05] issues but at the same time to find ways

[45:09] what to do together or at least in

[45:12] agreed way to move ahead to achieve what

[45:17] we believe should try to be achieved.

[45:20] Therefore, the question is not if we

[45:23] have agreed about everything. All

[45:25] through the long history of the

[45:27] relationship between the United States

[45:29] and Israel, there were differences.

[45:32] There were there were ups and downs in

[45:34] the relationship. The problem was always

[45:37] first to try to be frank one with

[45:40] another to be to the extent that it's

[45:42] possible trust and confident and second

[45:46] to find operative ways how to move ahead

[45:50] in what we believe that should be moved

[45:53] knowing that we defer on certain issues

[45:56] in um

[45:58] agreeing to the offer you the 10 billion

[46:02] in loan guarantees assuming the Congress

[46:04] goes along with that um it's reported

[46:07] that you've accepted some conditions on

[46:10] that and one of them is that after one

[46:13] year the sum each year will be reduced

[46:16] by the amount your government spends on

[46:19] continued construction in the occupied

[46:21] territories. Can you confirm that? Uh

[46:24] it's true.

[46:26] It is to say that uh even before I came

[46:31] to office, this was the position of the

[46:33] Congress and administration

[46:37] that there will be funibility as they

[46:39] call it or the deduction.

[46:41] But it will be started once the bill

[46:45] will pass. Will it be the second half of

[46:48] September or the 1st of October? I hope

[46:52] that we have agreed that for the first

[46:54] year we'll get a $2 billion dollar but

[46:58] after that of course there will be uh a

[47:03] deduction of what Israel would pay from

[47:07] its own resources of the government

[47:10] resources

[47:12] uh in the continuation of the building

[47:14] of settlements that their construction

[47:18] will be continued after the 1st of

[47:21] October this year.

[47:23] >> What is the long range justification

[47:27] for continuing or initiating any

[47:30] settlements

[47:32] uh security areas or not in territory

[47:35] that will ultimately be subject to

[47:38] negotiation and what you've yourself

[47:40] called territorial compromise in a peace

[47:42] settlement?

[47:44] Well, uh there were two schools or there

[47:48] are two schools of thought in Israel.

[47:51] Legitimate deli could that aspires to

[47:55] the whole land of Israel and the Labor

[47:58] Party which is ready for certain

[48:02] territorial compromises but by no means

[48:06] to return to the pre60 war lines.

[48:10] For all practical purposes, the present

[48:13] negotiations with the Jordanian and the

[48:16] Palestinians

[48:17] are not related to the permanent

[48:20] solution. They are related

[48:24] for the idea which is called now is

[48:28] interim selfgovernment arrangement to

[48:30] the Palestinians. In the past, it was

[48:33] called autonomy to the Palestinians

[48:37] as an interim agreement for transition

[48:40] period of 5 years. Therefore, we are not

[48:43] going to to negotiate now the boundaries

[48:48] of Israel visav Jordan

[48:52] uh in this context.

[48:55] Uh therefore this issues will not come

[49:00] up. We retain to ourselves the way that

[49:05] we believe in it the possibility to

[49:08] negotiate peace without return all the

[49:13] territories. We're ready to make

[49:15] compromise

[49:17] first and foremost because we don't want

[49:20] Israel to be a bational state. We don't

[49:24] want to swallow into Israel as a

[49:29] sovereign state additional 1.7 or 1.9

[49:34] million Palestinians. It will make

[49:36] Israel a bational state. Therefore we

[49:40] are talking once we pass the interim

[49:44] agreement of the autonomy

[49:47] hopefully once it will be created

[49:51] new realities

[49:54] will be come and surface. We hope that

[49:59] this arrangements

[50:01] will start eroding suspicion, hatred,

[50:05] prejudices that no doubt exist on both

[50:09] sides when it comes to the Palestinian

[50:13] is Israeli problem might be new ideas

[50:17] will be brought up. For example, when

[50:20] the head of the Palestinian delegation

[50:22] came after the Madrid conference back to

[50:25] the territory, he was interviewed on

[50:28] television. He was asked

[50:31] what is your opinion

[50:34] about a federation or confederation with

[50:38] children?

[50:40] His answer was why not with Israel. I'm

[50:42] not saying that this is the opinion of

[50:45] the Palestinian army, but I believe the

[50:48] whole wisdom of the interim arrangement

[50:52] is to bring about changes, changes in

[50:56] attitude because what we offer the

[50:59] Palestinian

[51:01] even though they claim it's too too

[51:03] little and too late,

[51:06] none of the Arab countries offered them

[51:08] when Jordan was in occupation of the

[51:11] West Bank and Egypt in occupation of

[51:14] Gaza. We offer them autonomy to run

[51:17] their affairs by themselves with the

[51:20] exception of security, responsibility to

[51:22] the Israeli settlements and foreign

[51:26] affairs.

[51:26] >> Is your government so open to new ideas

[51:28] down the line that it would consider a

[51:30] federation with the Palestinians?

[51:33] >> I don't know what is federation.

[51:35] >> Well, didn't you just quote me?

[51:37] >> It might be. We have to define. Mhm. We

[51:40] have to define

[51:41] I wouldn't exclude new ideas once we

[51:46] stop not now once we stop and reach a

[51:50] point that the interim self government

[51:55] arrangements prove themselves working

[51:58] one that the attitude is changing

[52:02] might be that new ideas will come. What

[52:05] is the best thing from your point of

[52:07] view that can come out of this next

[52:09] round of talks? I offer to Secretary

[52:11] Baker. I offer publicly. I'm ready to

[52:16] say that in April May

[52:20] 1993

[52:22] general elections will be held in the

[52:25] territories in which the Palestinians

[52:28] who reside there will elect by themsel

[52:32] from themselves administrative council

[52:35] not what they demand a legislative body

[52:39] to run

[52:41] uh into himself.

[52:44] uh government arrangements

[52:48] then to set a date let's say 1st of

[52:51] December

[52:53] as the date by which we should reach an

[52:56] agreement about modalities of the

[52:58] election

[53:00] then another date first and of February

[53:04] that by that will finish what spheres of

[53:08] activities will be handed to the

[53:12] Palestinian opinions to be run by the

[53:15] administrative council.

[53:17] The problem is that they don't agree

[53:19] about yet. You ask me what I expect. I

[53:24] believe it will be in the spirit of the

[53:26] CM David code to which Egypt, Israel and

[53:30] the United States are committed

[53:32] internationally. It will be in the line

[53:35] which is imbued in the letter of the

[53:37] invitation by the United States and the

[53:40] Soviet Union to the participants of the

[53:43] Madrid conference. And I believe it's

[53:46] the only way to start moving towards a

[53:51] solution of the conflict between the

[53:53] Palestinians and Israel. Any attempt to

[53:57] move by one act from now uh from the

[54:01] present situation to a permanent one

[54:04] will lead nowhere. There is a view in

[54:07] Washington uh that having offered the

[54:10] loan guarantees, President Bush and the

[54:13] administration are now covered

[54:15] politically to agree to the sale of new

[54:18] F-15s to Saudi Arabia. Do you see it

[54:21] that way?

[54:22] >> No, I don't see it. There is a

[54:24] long-standing position about of Israel

[54:27] about this issue

[54:29] and we'll see what will happen.

[54:32] >> Is Saudi Arabia still a danger to

[54:34] Israel?

[54:36] Now I can't see them as an immediate

[54:39] danger but in the future who knows who

[54:43] knew 3 years ago or 2 and a half years

[54:46] ago that Saddam Hussein will invade and

[54:49] occupy

[54:51] uh Kuwait even though the regime in

[54:53] Saudi Arabia is entirely different. But

[54:57] who can promise me that this regime will

[54:59] be there for the next 20 years?

[55:02] >> You met Bill Clinton during your visit

[55:04] here. If he were elected in November,

[55:08] would you feel that uh US-Israeli

[55:10] relations were in secure hands?

[55:13] Well, I wouldn't pass judgment first who

[55:16] will be elected

[55:18] uh because I don't believe that uh it

[55:20] will be proper for me to intervene in

[55:23] this problem. Whoever the United States

[55:27] people will elect, we'll have to work

[55:30] with him. And I'm sure that we'll find

[55:33] ways to work for the benefit of our two

[55:37] countries who with whoever will be

[55:39] elected. Well, Prime Minister, thank you

[55:41] very much for joining us

[55:51] again. The main stories of this

[55:52] Thursday. President Bush announced that

[55:54] James Baker will resign his post as

[55:56] Secretary of State to become White House

[55:58] chief of staff and oversee the

[56:00] president's reelection bid. And the UN

[56:03] Security Council authorized military

[56:05] intervention in Bosnia, but only as a

[56:08] last resort to ensure the delivery of

[56:11] relief aid and to open detention camps

[56:13] for inspection. Good night, Robin.

[56:16] >> Good night, Judy. That's the NewsHour

[56:17] for tonight. We'll be back tomorrow

[56:19] night with a look at Bill Clinton's

[56:20] foreign policy position as outlined in

[56:23] today's address in Los Angeles. We'll

[56:25] have extensive excerpts and Michael

[56:26] Mandelbomb and Condisa Rice will be back

[56:29] among others to argue the fine points.

[56:31] I'm Robert McNeel. Good night.